Procter & Gamble Company Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Procter & Gamble Company - Research Paper Example The company, which has been in the industry for 174 years, has earned a great number of recognitions over the years. These included, to cite a few, a 6th ranking on Fortune’s â€Å"Global Most Admired Companies†, a 2nd on Fortune’s â€Å"Top Companies for Leaders† survey, top rankings on the Dow Jones Sustainability Index from 2000 to 2010, and most innovative manufacturer in the consumer packaged goods industry for the last decade given by the Symphony IRI group. In addition, P&G has also been recognized by the National Association for Female Executives (Top 50 Companies for Executive Women) and Black Enterprise magazine (40 Best Companies for Diversity); awards related to creating a diverse workplace. On top of that, P&G has been consistently a member of the Billion Dollar Roundtable, made up of 17 corporations that spend more than $1 billion annually with diverse suppliers, since 2005 (Procter & Gamble Co., 2011). P&G serves consumer, household and phar maceutical goods to consumers in more than 180 countries. Having around 127,000 employees for ground operations in 80 countries (Procter & Gamble Co., 2011) , the company makes at least 250 brands in six main categories: laundry and cleaning (detergents), paper goods (toilet paper), beauty care (cosmetics and shampoos), food and beverages (coffee and snacks), feminine care (sanitary towels) and health care (toothpaste and medicine), (Corporate Watch , 2002). Among the quality and leadership brands manufactured by the company are Ivory, Pampers, Tide, Ariel, Always, Whisper, Pantene, Folgers, Charmin, Downy, Lenor, Iams, Crest, Oral B, Actonel, Duracell, Olay, head & Shoulders, Wella, Gilette, and Braun (Procter & Gamble Co., 2006). History P&G has changed the lifestyle of consumers worldwide, the history of which can be rooted way back in 1837 in Cincinnati, Ohio. William Procter, who was originally from England, and James Gamble, an immigrant from Ireland, had crossed paths when th ey married sisters Olivia and Elizabeth Norris (Procter & Gamble Co., 2006). The partnership of the two was suggested by their mutual father-in-law, Alexander Norris, who stated that both William’s trade, candle making and James’ which was soap making would utilize lye from animal fat and wood ashes that were prominent in Cincinnati (FundingUniverse, 2003). At that time of the business establishment, Williams and James used a forward-looking approach despite the financial panic across US wherein banks were bankrupt and competition among soap and candle makers were tough. Despite the years leading to civil war in the 1850s, P&G was able to obtain large contracts from the national government to provide the Union army with soap and candle products (Dyer, Dalzell, & Olegario, 2004). Furthermore, Williams and James’ company was able to start one of the first profit-sharing programs in the US, and also invested in a research laboratory (Procter & Gamble Co., 2006). It was in the 1890s when P&G developed and sold 30 different types of soap, which included the famous brand Ivory and soaps for dishwashing and washing clothes. The effective advertisements of the products through the use of radio â€Å"soap operas†, product sampling and promotional premiums increased the demand which led to expansion of operations in Kansas City, Kansas and Ontario, Canada. Another world-wide known product introduced by P&G in 1946 was Tide. The introduction of Tide was remarkably successful which paved the way to having new markets across continents (Procter & Gamble Co., 2006). A few years following the sensation of Tide, several products were brought into the market. The first fluoride toothpaste, Crest, became popularly known as it was endorsed by the American Dental

Reforming the U.S. tax code to eliminate tax credits Essay

Reforming the U.S. tax code to eliminate tax credits - Essay Example The goals of the reforms on the taxes is to realize the objectives of the National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reforms, whose major goal is to give the people responsibilities related to the growth of the economy in accordance with the level of affluence (Becerra 45). My Position on Flat Tax Rate Flat tax rates imply that the people pay the same amount of tax regardless of their level of income. When the tax rate is constant, all the taxpayers are to be subjected to the same amount of tax without deductions or exemptions. According to the Americans Bill on the reforms of the tax code, flat tax would broaden the tax base while enforcing that every individual pays the tax without any deductions. The flat tax rate payment would benefit the people in various dynamic ways such as it would spread the burden of paying the tax on every citizen in the country. In essence, the flat tax rate if adopted would increase the burden on the middle class incomers while relieving the riches t. As a result of that it would not be considered as a fair way of building the economy as the rich who use most of the economic resources are not taxed according to their level of affluence (Diamond & George 140). ... One of the advantages for lowering the tax rate is that it increases the revenue to the state: the disposable income of citizens increases thereby presenting more money into the government’s account to be used in enhancing economic growth. The provisions contained in the act of lowering the tax on the low incomers is that, the government posed into a situation where it cannot waste its expenditures as the procedures of the government strictly looked into (Jones, John & Teresa 13). On the other hand, the service delivery to the people may be poor; for example, the prison and other welfare activities in the social systems. The government may fail to offer some of the fundamental services to the people as they may not collect the required minimal revenues that can efficiently meet the social needs of all in the country. As the tax rolls decrease, the ability to accomplish such projects lessens. Consequently, the rich may seek for ways to evade the tax as the state may seem biased towards them. The notion is that, it is only the middle class earners who are the favored in the context of tax collection, and the amount of tax levied upon them. Basically it may seem unfair but, in a rational point of view the rich should pay as much as they consume in the economy (Lymer & Lynne 75). The impacts of lowering tax on the low incomers and increasing the same on the rich Economic development based on the level of affluence of the people should be rationally distributed with regards to the people’s levels of affluence. The rich should heavily pay taxes in that they utilize most of the economic resources while the poor hardly get the platform to do the same. Fairness in the tax distribution and levies in a rational point of view imply that, those who leave a huge economic

The Psychological Effects of Ecological Disasters Essay Example for Free

The Psychological Effects of Ecological Disasters Essay The highly advanced technologies emerging nowadays bring many conveniences today that seemed impossible fifty years ago. Yet, such improvements and developments are expected to bear different consequences. Ecological disaster, although a natural phenomenon, is a consequence of man-made hazard. According to Kessler, Sonnega, Bromet, Hughes, and Nelson (1995), majority of the population have experienced â€Å"at least one traumatic event throughout their lifetime†. Although the frequency of traumatic events is high, many people, especially the adults, are able to survive from different forms of disaster and are likely to recover from any traumatic event. However, there are some who are unable to cope with the trauma from such events, such as the children who are prone to resilience. It is indeed a traumatic and stressful experience to be present in any occurrence of an accident, calamity, or a tragedy. Victims of disaster are likely to demonstrate some stress and emotional reactions such as grief, anger, fear, depression, anxiety, and somatization. Other victims of ecological disaster are observed to manifest behavioral expressions of stress which include changes in illness behavior, problems in role functioning at home and in work, troubles of substance abuse, and domestic violence. Moreover, people who are suffering from severe mental illness (SMI) are more prone to experience Acute Stress Disorder (ASD) and Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder or PTSD (Bromet Dew, 1995; Havenaar et al. , 1997). One of the most severe and traumatic disasters occurred on April 26, 1986 was the explosion of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant, which took place for almost 10 days. The explosion resulted in the enormous release of radioactive materials (e. g. iodine and caesium radionuclides) in the areas of Russian Federation, Ukraine, and Belarus. Such radioactive materials are known to cause thyroid cancer (The Chernobyl Forum, 2003-2005, p. 10). Approximately five million people living in Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia were contaminated with radionuclides. Most of them were emergency workers and on-site personnel including army, local police and fire services, and power plant staff. Some residents of the said areas were also affected. The disaster response actions of the authorities such as the evacuation of people from affected areas somehow reduced the health consequence of the radiation exposures. Aside from thyroid cancer which hit the affected population, there is a notable increased in psychological problems among the residents of affected areas. Such was the result of disturbance and trauma brought by the explosion. People experienced stress and anxiety because of the lack of information about the effects of such radiation and its consequences to social and economic security (The Chernobyl Forum, 2003-2005, p. 7). Until today, the concerned authorities are having difficulties in identifying and eliminating the psychological burden of the Chernobyl explosion. Meanwhile, many researches demonstrated that the occurrence of ecological disasters such as tragedy, terrorism event, traumatic accidents, and others could cause psychiatric disorders to human victims. Such disorders include depression, anxiety, somatization, ASD and PTSD. Accordingly, there are several factors that are believed to contribute to the cause of psychiatric disorder following the occurrence of ecological disaster. Some believe that the impact of psychological effects of disaster depends on the amount of information given to victims of traumatic events. Other researches identified that a victim with lower level of education is prone to experience psychiatric disorder after the occurrence of a disaster. In addition, people who experienced many negative events in life are more likely to manifest mental disorders brought by traumatic event. Meanwhile, other researches assert that people with positive and optimistic personalities are less vulnerable to psychiatric disorder. This research paper will delve into the psychological effects of ecological disasters and will highlight the various factors that affect victim’s psychological processing of Chernobyl explosion, particularly the residents of Former Soviet Union. Purpose of the Study The purpose of this quantitative study is to identify and explore the factors that affect the mental processing of the victims of Chernobyl explosion. Respondents for this study are the affected residents from Former Soviet Union. The analysis for this study will dwell on whether Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder and resilience can be predicted using variables such as participant’s age, gender, distance from disaster site, educational level, fewer life stressors, positive personality traits, and empowerment from having more information about the disaster. Moreover, the researcher will attempt to identify those victims who are likely to experience psychiatric disorder after experiencing ecological disaster and those who are not prone to such psychological disorder. It will also attempt to enumerate the different ways and treatments which will be useful in preventing the psychological effects of ecological disaster. Statement of the Problem Generally, this research study aims to examine the factors that affect the psychological processing of the victims of ecological disaster, particularly the victims of Chernobyl disaster from Former Soviet Union. Specifically, this study aims to answer the following problems: 1. What are the possible psychological effects of ecological disasters? 2. Who are the victims of disaster that are likely to experience psychological disorder? 3. Who are the victims of disaster that are likely to cope from experiencing disaster thus overcoming traumatic and stressful obstacles? 4. How do other victims manage to overcome psychiatric disorder following the occurrence of disaster? 5. Why do other victims fail to overcome psychiatric disorder following a traumatic event? 6. What can be done to manage and prevent (if possible) the psychological effects of ecological disaster? 7. Who are the proper authorities responsible for addressing the psychological problems brought by the occurrence of ecological disasters? Hypotheses There are various factors that make the victims of ecological disasters more susceptible to psychological disorder, and these factors are the subject of hypothesis for this study. According to researches, the possibility for victims to develop a psychological disorder depends on the personality of the victims, level of education of the victims; amount of information given to victims of disaster; and quantity of negative events experienced by the victims. Based on the studies conducted by Aspinwall and Taylor (1992) and Scheier and Carver (1995), it was discovered that having a positive personality or being optimistic can contribute to the victims’ physical and psychological well-being. In addition, Scheier and Carver’s (1995) study reveals that optimistic people believe that they could overcome any adversity. Thus, instead of avoiding the obstacles and challenges, optimistic people use problem-solving skills to cope with difficulties (Scheier Carver, 1995). Furthermore, numerous research studies have found that dispositional optimism (positive reason for migration, American acculturation, mastered of English language, and overall life satisfaction) could also lessen the impact of stress to the experience of an individual (Ben-Zur, Rappaport, Ammar, Uretzky, 2000; Herman-Stahl Petersen, 1996; Aspinwall Taylor, 1992). People who have positive outlook are likely to use health care services following the experience of any traumatic disaster. Still, there are factors that contribute to positive personality of individual such as demographic and social aspect, attitudinal-belief, and other structural variables (Anderson Newman, 1973). The researcher assumes that people with negative view of life and are pessimist are prone to experience psychiatric disorder following the occurrence of a disaster. Meanwhile, results of the research studies conducted by Breslau et al. (1997), Kessler et al. (1995), and Kulka et al. (1991) demonstrated that people with lesser educational attainment are more likely to experience PTSD such that lesser educational attainment is correlated with increased level of PTSD. Yet, there are inconsistent results from the empirical literature regarding the psychological and mental health of elderly adults. Majority of the literature review indicated that older people have a greater risk for physical injury and monetary loss, and have fewer social support, which then suggest that elderly are more vulnerable to experience stress. Thus, this group is at a higher psychological risk of developing psychological disorder in the face of disaster (Krause, 1987; Phifer Norris, 1989). Therefore, the researcher presumes that people with high educational attainment and younger population are likely to be resilient to post disaster stress and trauma. Many research studies established that the individual’s perception of risk following a disaster can cause poor health effects which is either physical or mental illness (Kazakov, Demidchik, Astakhova ,1992; Baverstock, Egloff, Pinchera, Ruchti Williams, 1992; Moysich, Menezes, Michalek, 2002). Yet, not all individuals have the same perception on the impact of hazard as according to Lazarus and Folkman (1984), perception on risks varies differently from one another. However, the level of stress caused by any traumatic event to an individual depends on how he or she perceived the risk of a disaster. To elucidate, the amount of information available for the victims of disaster affects his or her perception of risk (Renn Rohrmann, 2000). It is important to note that risk messages enclose factual, value-related, inferential, and symbolic meanings (Havenaar, Cwikel Bromet, 2002). In the case of Chernobyl explosion, limited information about the consequences of the explosion was disseminated to affected residents. Thus, people who have little information following radiation disasters like Chernobyl are likely to experience PSTD. In addition, the perception of the exposure has a significant impact on women, especially women with young children. The researcher then presumes that people who are less informed about the possible effects of disaster such as women and children are likely to suffer from psychological disorder. Other researchers established that victims who are exposed to the most intense features of the disaster are likely to develop the most severe stress reaction and are likely to experience poor mental health outcomes (Weiss, Marmar, Metzler Ronfeldt, 1995; Goenjian et al. , 2000). The degree of exposure significantly affects mental health outcomes. Individuals who are often exposed to high levels of stress in their everyday lives have a higher risk of experiencing mental disorders. Thus, the researcher assumes that individuals who are furthest from disaster sites are more resilient. Rationale for the Study The incidence of exposure to disaster is more frequent than expected. According to result of the research study conducted by Kessler et al. (1995), majority of the population have experienced a minimum of a single traumatic phenomenon in their lifetime. Epidemiological studies conducted by different researchers and specialists have found that approximately, three quarters of the majority population in the U. S. has experienced a single traumatic phenomenon in their life (Green, 1994). To elucidate, approximately one billion people have been affected by natural disasters within the past 25 years (Weisaeth, 1995). Moreover, in a national morbidity survey, researchers found that 60. 7 percent of adult men and 51. 2 percent of adult women in the United States have been involved to at least one traumatic event or an ecological disaster (Kessler et al. , 1995). Meanwhile, in North America, an estimated 17 million people are prone to a natural disaster each year (Meichenbaum Fitzpatrick, 1993). Furthermore, in a meta-review of psychosocial consequences of disasters, it was found that approximately 11% of individuals are suffering from minimal impairments, 50% from moderate impairments, while 21% and 18% are experiencing severe and very severe impairments respectively (Norris, Friedman, Watson, 2002). With these data, we could affirm that disasters are common events or phenomena. Since majority of the population are prone to experience traumatic events such as accidents, tragedy and other ecological disaster, it is important that people have enough understanding and are knowledgeable about the possible psychological or mental health consequences caused by these traumatic events.

Journalism: News Access And Source Power

Journalism: News Access And Source Power In the study of mass communication, there has been a continuous debate about the more or less powerful effects of the media on the public. This power is not restricted to the influence of the media on their audiences, but also involves the role of the media within the broader framework of the social, cultural, political or economic power structures of society. Ideally, a media system suitable for a democracy ought to provide its readers with some coherent sense of the broader social forces that affect the conditions of everyday life. However, it is difficult to find anyone who even remotely approaches this ideal (Gamson et al, 1992). The overwhelming conclusion is that the media generally operate in ways that promote apathy, cynicism and quiescence, rather than active citizenship and participation. This essay will explore the evidence that is offered that suggests why the nature of source/media relations matters in environmental issues and non-governmental organisations. It will also look at why communications and media researchers continue to investigate the topic and why source/media relations are important. Media discourse analysis has traditionally focused on the news product. These studies have not only yielded important insights into the structure (Bell 1991, 1998), function (Jaworski, Fitzgerald and Morris, 2003; Khalil, 2006) and effect (Fairclough, 1995; van Dijk, 1998) of media language, but have also described micro level aspects such as the mechanics of turn-taking, repair and pause length in news interviews (Clayman and Heritage, 2002). Recently, however, the scope of media discourse analysis has started to broaden to include the complex discursive practices that lie at the heart of the news production process. Additionally, with the advent of new technologies, crucial ingredients of the news production process are now being opened up to researchers, with corporate websites parading massive press release archives and internet based news agencies and e-mail distribution services spreading breaking news in real time to whoever is interested in it (Geert, 1999). News access and news selection are the yin and yang of news production studies (Geert, 1999). Cottle (2000b) distinguishes the sociological and a culturalist paradigm in theories of news access. While the former investigates news access in terms of strategic and definitional power, examining patterns of news access, routines of news production and processes of source intervention the latter theorises news access in terms of cultural and ritual power, [sensitive], to the symbolic role of news actors and how they perform/enact within the conventions and textual structures of news representation ritual, story, narrative (pp. 28-9). News sociology has a long standing tradition. Early, seminal studies of deviance (Becker, 1963), newsworthiness (Galtung and Ruge, 1973), news management (Schudson, 1978), hegemony (Hall et al, 1978) paved the way for political economy views of corporate control (Herman and Chomsky, 1988) and mediatisation (Thompson, 1995) on the one hand, and social constructionist approaches to news production (Gitlin, 1980) on the other. The classic newsroom ethnographies of the 1970s and 1980s (Tunstall, 1971; Tuchman, 1972, 1978; Gans, 1979; Golding and Elliot, 1979; Fishman, 1980; Erickson, Baranek and Chan, 1987) crystallised a radical moment in the historical development of news study. Taken together these studies forced attention to the structural and institutional forces at play in newsrooms, focusing on how news is an organisational and bureaucratic accomplishment of routine (Cottle, 2000a, p. 21). For example, Tuchman (1972) sees source dependence as a strategic ritual, borne out of a pro fessional ideology allowing journalists to frame their work as objective accounts of news events. According to Geert (1999), while this early generation of social scientists drove home the importance of professional routines, norms and settings of news production, other scholars have pointed to theoretical blind spots. With new technologies being introduced in newsrooms (Pavlik, 2000), come new concepts of journalistic practice (Carlson, 2007), leading to questions of continued theoretical validity and calls for updating newsroom ethnography (Cottle, 2000a; Zelizer, 2004). Schudson (2005) has warned against the dangers of a reductionist or determinist approach to the media in which the news production process is seen as the direct result of underlying economic and political forces. Such an approach does not account for the agency of journalists as social actors, which, given in todays changing news ecology, is especially pressing. Indeed, it could be argued that, from an analytical point of view, media sociology has largely disregarded journalistic agency in favour of organisatio nal and institutional levels of analysis. Recently, however, some scholars have pointed their attention to alternative theories of cultural production, most prominently, Bourdieus field theory (Couldry, 2003; Benson, 2006; Hesmondhalgh, 2006; Neveu, 2007). In contradistinction of grand sociological debates, cultural and anthropological studies of news production such as Peterson (2001) and Stà ¥hlberg (2002) apply notions of social mediation, cultural production and reflexivity in analysing the situated practices of media production and consumption. This burgeoning field which has come to be identified as media anthropology (Askew and Wilk, 2002; Ginsburg, Abulughod and Larkin, 2002; Peterson, 2003; Rothenbuhler and Coman, 2005; Boyer and Hannerz, 2006) theorises the ethnography of media production as an emergent effort, to talk about the agency of media producers within a cultural system while still recognising their embeddedness in larger structures of power, (Peterson, 2003, p. 164). van Dijk (1990) notes that a brief conceptual analysis is needed in order to specify what notions of power are involved in such an approach to the role of the news media. Social power as van Dijk explains is summarily defined as a social relation between groups or institutions, involving the control by a (more) powerful group or institution (and its members) of the actions and the minds of (the members) a less powerful group. Such power generally presupposes privileged access to socially valued resources, such as force, wealth, income, knowledge or status. van Dijk goes on to explain that media power is generally symbolic and persuasive, the sense that the media primarily have the potential to control to some extent the minds of readers or viewers, but not directly their actions. Except in cases of physical, coercive force, the control of action, which is usually the ultimate aim of the exercise of power, is generally indirect, whereas the control of intentions, plans, knowledge, bel iefs or opinions that is mental representations that monitor overt activities is presupposed. Also, van Dijk (1990) notes that given the presence of other sources of information, and because the media usually lack access to the sanctions that other such as legal or bureaucratic-institutions may apply in cases on noncompliance, mind control by the media can never be complete. On the contrary, psychological and sociological evidence suggests that despite the pervasive symbolic power of the media, the audience will generally retain a minimum of autonomy and independence and engage more or less actively, instead of purely passively, in the use of the means of mass communication. In other words, whatever the symbolic power of the news media, at least some media users will generally be able to resist such persuasion. Another notion in the analysis of media power is that of access. According to van Dijk (1990), it has been shown that power is generally based on special access to valued social resources. Thus, controlling the means of mass communication is one of the crucial conditions of social power in contemporary information societies. Indeed, besides economic or other social conditions of power, social groups may be attributed social power by their active or passive access to various forms of public, other influential or consequential discourse, such as those of the mass media, scholarship or political and corporate decision making (p. 12). Although ordinary people may make use of the news media, they generally have no direct influence on news content, nor are they usually the major news actors of news reports (van Dijk, 1990). Elite groups or institutions, on the other hand, may be defined by their broader range and scope of patterns of access to public or other important discourses and communicative events. Leading politicians, managers, scholars or other professionals have more or less controlled access to many different forms of text and talk, such as meetings, reports, press conferences or press releases. This is especially true for their access to media discourse. Journalist will seek to interview them, ask their opinion, and thus introduce them as major news actors or speakers in news reports. If such elites are able to control these patterns of media access, they are by definition more powerful than the media. On the other hand, those media that are able to control access to elite discourse, in such a way that elites become dependent on them in order to exercise their own power, may in turn play their own role in the power structure. In other words, major news media may themselves be institutions of power and dominance, with respect not only to the public at large, but also to other elite institutions. (van Dijk, 1990, p. 12). For some areas like risk and the environment as well as issues like trade unions which are non-governmental organisations, media discourse is to a significant extent, a discourse dependent upon the voices of official experts. Environmental organisations, non-governmental organisations, industry, scientists, and government offer their own particular competing accounts of the reality of the situation. Issues concerning differential access to the news media are crucial when considering who comes to define the event. Accordingly, the following examines news/source media relations as it relates to 1) environmental issues and 2) non-governmental and the various news sources involved in influencing the symbolic representation of public issues. News/Source Media Relations and Environmental Issues Over recent decades a growing environmental promotion industry has emerged, alongside an increasing emphasis upon environmental advocacy. A number of information crises (eg. The Exxon Valdez disaster in 1989) have forced sections of industry to take a more proactive approach to environmental communications as potent imagery has directed contradicted assurances that environment protection is not compromised by their activities (Anderson, 1991). At the same time, the public exhibit a growing sense of distrust of scientists (Beck, 1992). The sense of distrust has partly emerged from news media formats that favour confrontational dialogue among experts and offer the public little means of evaluating opposing viewpoints. There has been a tendency to display the debates in dramatic, sensational headlines rather than a considered approach that furthers public understanding of the issues (Anderson, 1991). The sheer complexity of many environmental issues acts as a major constraint, particula rly considering that relatively few journalists reporting on these matters possess a scientific background (Anderson, 1997; Nelkin, 1995; Peters, 1995). The news media possess a great responsibility in relaying scientific issues to the public, since they contribute a major source of information about science within our society (Adam, 1991). Through their mediation, interpretation and translation of otherwise in accessible knowledge into a publicly accessible form, news workers are not only prime sources of public information but also the principal social; theorists of contemporary industrial societies. As such, they carry a heavy burden, a responsibility they are poorly equipped to provide and that does not sit comfortably with their own self-perception. That is their understanding of themselves as harbingers of news, disseminators of matter of human interest and providers of a critical perspective on the more shady aspects of socio-political and socio-economic life (p. 125). Routine news media reporting of environmental issues is often mediated through the expert as the voice of authority. However, it is important to note the ways in which the news media present certain expert voices as being self-evidently authoritative whilst competing views are frequently portrayed as non-credible, irrational and partisan. This can have the effect of discouraging critical thinking and the brushing aside of lay views. However, as Beck (1992) observes there are some grounds for optimism since the media also potentially play a part of opening up the critique of science and exposing conflicts of opinion and ideological standpoints. At the same time research suggests that while official news sources may not automatically enjoy the most statistically prominent level of news coverage, they are far more likely to appear in news formats where they enjoy a larger degree of editorial control. Also they tend to provide analytical knowledge as opposed to subjective/experiential kn owledge (Cottle, 1999). It has been frequently observed that the news media representation of environmental issues is pre-occupied with bad news. Much environmental coverage is centred on events rather than issues (Hansen, 1990, 1999; Molotch and Lester, 1975; Singer and Endreny, 1987). This partly reflects the fact that much news coverage is based on a 24 hour cycle and especially applies to television news (Anderson, 1997). This orientation towards events may encourage audience members to place blame upon particular companies or individuals within a company, rather than see this in terms of broader structural problems. One such example is the Exxon Valdez disaster with event-centred coverage. Coverage of the oil spill tended to be framed around the allegation that it was caused by the drunken state of the Captain, Joseph Hazelwood. This played down other possible angles concerning cutbacks in maritime safety standards or the oil industrys poor capacity to clean up large oil spills in areas such as the Pri nce William Sound (Dyer et al, 1991; Hannigan, 1995). News media representations of the environment are also influenced by socio-political and cultural factors. Particular issues or events that capture attention tend to be mediagenic and can be easily situated within the established institutional framework. Often these resonate with deeply held cultural beliefs and values that operate at a powerful symbolic level. Another key aspect of news discourse, which particularly applies to television, is the reliance upon strong visual images to capture the audiences interest. In many cases the availability and quality of pictures becomes a central factor affecting broadcasters judgements about the news worthiness of a given environmental issue and is especially salient for short news bulletins. Political agendas and the perceived importance that politicians place upon particular issues also influence news values. Routine reporting on environmental issues is to a significant extent based around the voices of official experts, particularly indivi duals within government departments who are more likely to gain extended news actor entry through, for example, appearing in live interviews (Cottle, 1999). Since the late 1970s environmental pressure groups in countries such as Britain and the United States (US) have become increasingly in their approaches to the news media. Particularly, they have become more adept at packaging their material in media friendly ways. Some groups have enjoyed some notable successes in manipulating news values to their own ends, but this has imposed significant constraints in terms of how they have been able to frame issues (Gramson and Modigliani, 1989). Issue sponsors, such as environmental pressure groups, play a key role in communicating environmental affairs. These competing sources have differing levels of information subsidies in terms of resources such as cost and time, which affects how far the media rely upon them on as routine basis. Ericson et al (1989) note: News is a product of transactions between journalists and their sources. The primary source of reality for news is not what is displayed or what happens in the real world. The reality of news is embedded in the nature and type of social and cultural relations that develop between journalists and their sources (p. 189). Many studies of environmental reporting have found a tendency for official sources to gain the most privileged access to the media (Anderson, 1997). Molotch and Lesters (1975) seminal study of the press coverage of the Santa Barbara Oil Spill found that federal officials and industry spokespersons gained more access to the media, compared with local officials or conservationists. However, they note that initially an accident may bypass the usual routine bias towards official frames due to its unexpected nature. This suggests that non-routine environmental reporting may, in some instances, open up new channels to groups who may often be marginalised within the media. This was found to be the case in the United Kingdom (UK) national press coverage of the seal plague a virus, which killed a large number of common seals of the Norfolk coast in the UK during the summer of 1988 (Anderson, 1991, 1997). The way in which the seal plague came to serve as an icon for an environment in crisis s hares some striking similarities to the Exxon Valdez oil spill. The seal plague, with its emotive, visual appeal came to mark an issue threshold for environmental issues in the late 1980s. This was strongly linked to the cultural and political climate at the time. It generated much media coverage and one national mid market newspaper The Daily Mail launched a sustained campaign Save our Seals, which ran over several months. As such it can be seen that the reporting of environmental issues within the news media cannot be divorced from socio-political values regarding the environment. News/Source Media Relations and Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) Just like environmental issues seek the piece of the pie when it comes to the media, NGOs also seek to have their stories told in the media. However, in discussing news/source media relations, it must be noted that over generalising when discussing NGOs must be avoided. As Deacon (2001) notes the relative importance of profile, resource and motives in the communications strategies of different NGOs is to some extent dictated by the specific context of their operations. Additionally, there are also structural variations, reflecting the different political and economic roles of various NGO sectors. Deacon address source/media relations as it relates to three types of NGOs namely, trade unions, the voluntary sector and quasi-autonomous non-governmental organisations (quangos). He points out the first broad acceptance that these disparate groups, organisations and movements have proliferated in many political systems over recent decades, and in doing so have assumed greater social and po litical significance (Deacon, 2001, p. 8). However, where there is disagreement is whether these represent positive developments. Some commentators construe them as revitalising pluralist democracy, or challenging centuries of elite control. Others see this change as more of a mixed blessing. In Berrys assessment interest groups are no less a threat than they are an expression of freedom (1984, p. 2). The second point of consensus relates to the reasons for the proliferation of these organisations. Various commentators point to, on the one hand, the widening of educational opportunities and concomitant rise of sophisticated citizenry (Mazzolena and Schultz, 1999), and on the other, emergent environmental, material, social and ideological conflicts both within, and between, advanced capitalist nation states (Blumler and Gurevitch, 1996, p. 126-7) These have produced a shift away from party-based politics, towards other forms of political engagements and the rise of issue politics. Th irdly, theorists from all perspectives acknowledge variation in these processes across different political systems, due to historical, cultural, structural and political factors (Eyerman and Jamison, 1991, p. 36). Additionally most accept that the influence of specific types of interest groups/pressure groups/social movements/ or NGOs tend to fluctuate over time (Deacon, 2001). The final point of agreement is that public communications are now integral to the operations of these political sources, and that the media have particular significance. Blumler (1989) labels this as the emergence of a media-centric model of pressure group activity. Deacon (1991) explains as the social and political roles of many NGOs expand so do the pressure and expectations upon them which in turn create a range of specific communications imperatives to do with establishing a political presence and attracting resources among others. For some NGOs, increased investment in strategic communication represents a defensive response to harsh political realities, in which they can no longer assume their views will have political resonance. Additionally, as a consequence of broader political, social and fiscal uncertainties, a diverse range of private and public institutions are becoming ever more concerned with image maintenance and achieving a prominent and positive public presence. In this new and competitive promotional environment (Wernik, 1991), media engagement has become a significant prerequisite for effective political engagement, particularly for those without direct access to the levers of political and economic power (McNair, 1998, p. 156 ). In what Blumler and Gurevitch label a communication dependent society certain organisations and institutions enjoy distinct competitive advantages in promoting their views and values. In particular, those with the greatest material resources at their disposal most notably state and big business can launch and sustain the most expensive and extensive paid media access. However, free media access can disrupt this market logic, providing opportunities for the resource-poor agencies to achieve levels of national and international exposure that even the best resource could not fund directly. Additionally there are also other considerations such as profile, resource and issue to be taken into account. However, as Deacon (2001) points out these various communications considerations will not apply uniformly across NGOs. For example, the precise blend of resource, profile and issue motives will vary depending on a range of factors, some of which will be highly context specific. The relative importance of profile, resource and issue motives in the communications strategies of different NGOs is to some extent dictated by the specific context of their operations. However, there are also structural variations, reflecting the different political and economic roles of various NGO sectors. For example, Deacon highlights that most quangos receive direct statutory funding, they will tend to place less emphasis on financial resourcing motives than voluntary organisations, where dependency on public and corporate giving is high, and their financial state is generally more parlous. On another level, trade unions will tend to be more comfortable with open issue campaigning than voluntary organisa tions and quangos, partly because of their primary political function, but also because they are not bound by conventions and regulations governing neutral public management and non-party-political charitable activity. Davis (1995) suggests that the salience of communications media strategies can also depend upon the nature and political context of the matter at hand. They are most crucial in policy struggles that are highly ideological and involve (at least for one participant) non-material, non-distributive goods: Policy battles that range over intangible goals and values, such as the abortion issue, tend to evolve into virulently zero sum affairs. Such zero-sum politics, because of the heated struggle for competitive advantage that often marks it, relies heavily on pre-decisional, communication oriented efforts to frame or construct issues (p. 28). Another significant factor can be the relationship between an organisation and the dominant institutions of state. In an influential categorisation, Grant suggests that pressure groups can be placed along a continuum that reflects their relationship to government. However as Deacon (1991), warns if media prominence can deliver advantages to NGOs, there are associated risks. The most obvious of which is receiving negative and hostile treatment, which can compromise an organisations reputation. In this respect some NGOs are more valuable than others. A trade union for instance, that can depend on the complete solidarity of its members has less immediate grounds for fearing the spate of media opprobrium than a charity that is entirely dependent upon public donations. On a less obvious level, there is the possibility that courting media attention, and playing the media game, can have an effect upon organisations core values. Miller (1997) suggests that this can be particularly threatening for radical organisations, there The suspicion within the organisation that newly visible spokespersons might become infatuated with their own celebrity and have sold out is never far from the surface. But this observation about the potentially corrupting influence of media logic also applies to organisations operating in the political mainstream. Blumler (1989) terms the risk of spurious amplification, a process by which inflammatory rhetoric and extravagant demands to make stories more arresting, distort what groups stand for, (p. 352). Until recently, evaluations of media coverage of trade union sector in the UK tended to fall into two camps the critical research position which enjoyed considerable theoretical dominance during the 1970s and the revisionist critique which emerged during the 1980s (Manning, 1998). More recently a third position has started to form which conforms to what Curran (1997) labels a radical pluralist perspective. The latter negotiates a position between the extremes of critical outrage and revisionist sanguinity (Manning, 1998; Davies, 1999; Negrine 1996). Although these studies also analyse the quantitative and qualitative dimensions of news coverage of industrial disputes, their main contribution has been to go beyond the texts to investigate the dynamics of news production directly by examining the links between journalistic practices and trade unions communications strategies. Such insights have been largely absent from most critical and revisionist accounts (Cottle, 1993). The value of this new perspective is illustrated by Davies (1999) case study of media reporting of the British governments proposal in 1992 for privatising the postal service. These plans were strongly opposed by the Union of Communication Workers (UCW), who instituted a carefully orchestrated public relations (PR) campaign against the privatisation programme. Davies content analysis revealed that although UCW sources came to be treated more positively or neutrally that either government or management sources as the dispute unfolded, the union received considerably less coverage than their political opponents. These results suggest that the recruitment of mainstream, media support to the anti-privatisation cause was due to elite divisions within the party of government and the vehemence of public antipathy. The union benefitted from wider political developments, it did not instigate them. However, by linking analysis of media reporting to an analysis of the unions communication strat egy, Davies shows the error of this interpretation. The unions PR strategy played a key role in galvanising public, party political, professional and expert opinion against the privatisation proposals, which in turn had significant effect on media framing. In particular, by commissioning polls and lobbying influential opinion leaders, the union bypassed the need for institutional legitimacy and direct access. Instead they gained a voice by using the legitimacy and access possessed by other sources: the public, economic experts, politicians and assorted neutral user groups, (p. 182). Mannings research also provides an overview of contemporary trends in media relations and identifies two ideals of union structure. On the one hand, there are unions where press and publicity functions are marginalised and rigidly trapped within a civil society service style hierarchy , and on the other, organisations that permit a higher degree of integration for their media and PR operations with their organisational leadership. These differences can in part be explained by the dilemma of incorporation unions have had to confront in their response to the harsh political realities they face. In this period of his research, Manning found a stubborn residue of suspicion within certain unions towards the media that readily characterised journalists as inevitable class enemies, working at the behest of state and capitalist interests. Thus, the embrace of promotionalism in this context is not an act of assertion, but of defence: attempting to avoid marginalisation in a changing political and economic context (Deacon, 2001). It is also clear from Mannings work that journalists perceptions of the political role and characteristics of trade unions frames their utilisation as news sources, and helps account for the predominant emphasis on their collective rather than constructive roles. A distinction developed by Peter Golding and Deacon (1994), identifies trade unions as advocates by jour nalists. As news discourse is inherently conflictive this can enhance their news value in political disputes. However, this clear perception of unions political role prevents their deployment as arbiters in news coverage. Therefore, to influence the terms of media debate at this level, Davies demonstrates in his case study, that trade unions often have to recruit the support of external experts to validate their arguments. Additionally, for such a strategy to work, it is often necessary to maintain a degree of public dissociation between the union and the expert, for fear that any links may erode the perceived authoritativeness of the latters proclamations. This trend contrasts with common strategies deployed within the voluntary sector, where publicists strive to encourage a situation of association between the work of a voluntary organisation and the views of significant public figures. The main studies thus far into reporting of the voluntary sector suggests that there is limited but indulgent treatment, based on an antiquated impression of the sector. As Brindle (1999) notes It is as if the media do not want the sector to grow up. Coverage remains very much stuck in the 1950s charity time warp of good cause fundraising, lifeboats, guide dogs and helping sick children. Even on the broadsheet national newspapers, there is a clear antipathy to stories that treat the leading charities as the big businesses they have become, (p. 44). Looking at trends in media reporting towards communications and media strategies in the sector, Deacon notes an increasing emphasis on public communication similar to that noted in the union sector is eviden t. However, the embrace of promotionalism appears more uneven. As Davies suggests, it is tempting to simply conclude that in free media just as in paid media, financial resources deliver insurmountable competitive advantages to those who hath. The fact that the media

Innovations in Crude Oil Production Essay -- Oil Production Essays Pap

Innovations in Crude Oil Production The first oil well was drilled in 1859 by Edwin Drake. It burned to the ground several months later, but had it survived it would only have yielded around 20 barrels of oil per day, hardly a drop in today’s market.(â€Å"Story†) At the time however, it was considered a success and it began a revolution in oil production. Crude oil production in the world skyrocketed from a few hundred barrels of oil per day to 76 million today. (â€Å"International†) Of course, in the long term, this is not sustainable. In the near future however, it is the goal of the oil industry to continue this growth in order to continue to meet the world demand. Unlike the rest of the world, crude oil production in the US has gone down, from a high of 9.6 million barrels per day in the 1970’s to only 5.7 million barrels of oil per day now. But like the world, demand for oil has gone up. Looking at statistics for estimated US oil supply( â€Å"Environmental† : A History of Innovation, p. 9) :
162 billion barrels have already been produced
22 billion barrels make up our proven reserves
37 billion barrels are proven, but currently unrecoverable
50 billion barrels are estimated undiscovered and recoverable
351 billion barrels are estimated undiscovered and unrecoverable With an estimate of around 460 billion barrels of oil remaining, recent production declines are not due to the US running out of crude completely. However, 388 billion barrels of this country’s crude oil are technologically unrecoverable. What this means is that technology may exist to recover this oil, but that with today’s crude prices, it is not economical to do so. This problem faces oil producing countries all over the world. Thus,... ...o developing renewable energy technologies that will prepare for a fossil fuel-less future that this technology is bringing closer every day. Works Cited â€Å"The Story of Oil in Pennsylvania.† Paleontological Research Institution Official Home Page . 2004. http://www.priweb.org/ed/pgws/history/pennsylvania/pennsylvania2.html â€Å"International Energy Annual† 2001 edition, released in March 2003. Energy Information Administration (DOE) Official Home Page. http://www.eia.doe.gov/emeu/iea/tableg1.html US Department of Energy. â€Å"Environmental Benefits of Advanced Oil and Gas Exploration and Production Technology†. Washington: 1999. http://www.fossil.energy.gov./programs/oilgas/publications/environmentalbenefits/ â€Å"Enhanced Oil Recovery/ CO2 Injection† Office of Fossil Energy (DOE) Official Home Page. 2004. http://www.fossil.energy.gov/programs/oilgas/eor/

Cloned Meat: Its Whats for Dinner Essay -- Biology Essays Research Pa

Cloned Meat: Its What's for Dinner "[Cloning] first involves destroying the nucleus of an egg cell from the species to be cloned. A nucleus is then removed from a cell of an animal of the same species and injected into the egg cell. The egg, with its new nucleus, develops into an animal with the same genetic makeup as the donor." (1) Sounds yummy, huh? You may soon be dining on Grade A, prime cut cloned beef. Or pork. Or chicken for that matter. Is the thought alone enough to make you want to become vegan? The Food and Drug Administration has issued preliminary statements about the sale of cloned meat and dairy products becoming a reality. These statements are based on a recent report from the National Academy of Sciences. "Eating meat or drinking milk from cloned animals is probably safe, experts from the National Academies of Science concluded after reviewing what little research exists on the topic." (2) But is there truly enough research on this topic to draw conclusions that could affect millions of people's health? Will we even know if we are eating cloned meat or products? And will this cloned meat be used in a way beneficial for society, or simply for a money making purpose? Obviously, the FDA's main concern with the proposed consumption and sales of cloned meat and dairy products is how it will affect the people eating it. A possible negative effect the cloned products could have is allergenic consequences. A committee from the Academies has stated that the likelihood of these products having and allergenic effect is low.(2) Yet the committee also has cautionary words about the validity of their statements, claiming that the only way to actually find out the reactions to the products is to run multiple tests ... ...r of the Center for Food Safety. "I think overwhelmingly consumers would want that information and I think there's reason to give it to them." (7) Mendelson also added that many Americans do not even know that they are currently eating genetically modified foods. The use of cloned animals in the production of a greater quantity and quality of meat could be beneficial to society in so many ways. All food prices could go down so that low-income families could afford milk and meat. Meat could be produced to be shipped to third world countries, or those in war. Dying herds of animals in Africa and the jungles of South America could be jumped started. However, based on the price of the cloning process, and the payback that many farmers who endorse this process are expecting, more than likely meat from cloned animals will become some sort of weird, expensive delicacy.

GameStop POP Displays Essay

I recently went to a retail shop near my house to observe a number of things about point of purchase of a number of items displayed. I visited the store which was one of the most talked about in my area so tempted to try that place I paid a trip to GameStop, being only a quarter mile away from my house. Upon entering the shop I was fascinated by the size and the rush of the people at the store. At that spur of moment I realized that this place will most definitely possess a variety of items at display. As I moved around I noticed there was adequate space for the crowd to view each and every display. But obviously there were certain items that really attracted people for various reasons, either out of curiosity or genuinely being interested in the displayed matter. After a whole walk through of the GameStop store, I counted and checked with the reception that there were 22 displays to ensure I dint miss out any of them for my observation. The object that really caught my attention was the Guitar Hero World Tour as it was the first display I stood and the longest. This is because the minute I entered the shop, the item was right in front so it was unlikely that anyone would have missed it. Also owing to the fact that high definition television with surround sound is one of my interests but the facility to reserve a copy of my own and the date of when it will be released really impressed me. To my disappointment Little Big Planet was really unsuccessful, not just in my view but the general public as well. No release date was mentioned so there was no point pondering over it. Maybe that’s why it was displayed at a dimly lit area, right at the back of the store. Also being stacked being other displays just made it even more difficult to reach out to it. I even went up to the store manager to get a better insight on how they operated the POP display. As a layman I questioned him over POP displays and trade allowances on which he was well informed. He mentioned that POP displays were used as means of sales promotion and getting the customer in the game shop. For example Play Station 3 was prominently situated right at the center of the store so that most of the customer traffic gathered around there, in that way once they were done with having a feel of Play Station 3, they will have to go through other products, in this way maneuvering the customers. But not all items were displayed according to the manager who suggested that 10% were not used to allow other unpopular games to be made accessible for a segmented market. Store size was also not big enough to cater all the products that is why it is critical to determine which items need to be displayed. This determination is also done by the upper management on the basis of the location and size of the store. Though one troubled factor for the manager was that a booklet was the foundation of setting up a display (Source: POP Display) Similarly trade allowance was used as means of offering negotiated price for the customers to feel tempted to purchase the product as such lucrative offers are not available every other time. Another way how trade allowance helped was that sales personnel made good efforts to sell their respective products. Surprisingly the manager hardly knew about the practicality in applying trade allowance theory on GameShop store as upper management simply kept this information to themself. In this way the manager really felt frustrated on the inability to understand how and why certain reasons are considered acceptable to the upper management while he might disagree. (Source: Trade Allowance) As I see lack of ownership has really got the level of performance below, which could really be avoided to enhance sales as more and more products would have been presented in a better manner. Works Cited 1. Principles of Marketing (POP Display). 13 October 2008 . 2. Principles of Marketing (Trade Allowance). 13 October 2008 .